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תפיסת ביטחון חדשה לישראל
ישראל כולה התעוררה למציאות אחרת בשבת השחורה ההיא. קיים קונצנזוס רחב מאוד שחייבת להיות תשובת משקל משמעותית שמשדרת ניצחון.
מאמר חשוב של קובי אלירז, יועץ לשרי ביטחון לענייני התיישבות
להמשך קריאה: https://www.inn.co.il/news/623497
תרגמנו את המאמר לאנגלית. מוזמנים להפיצו.
A NEW SECURITY VIEWPOINT FOR ISRAEL
By Kobi Eliraz adviser for matters of settlement for several ministers of defense
Originally published in Hebrew: https://www.inn.co.il/news/623497
Translated into English as a public service by the Sovereignty Movement
It is incumbent upon us to translate the shock to our consciousness that we all experienced on October 7 into a comprehensive change.
The policy that paved the way to the disaster cannot continue to accompany us after it, as well.
Everyone understands that the offensive stage of the war will end at the conclusion of a fixed period.
Based on historical experience and based on diplomatic elements in Israel and abroad, presumably negotiations will be held in whose context there will be agreement that 10,000 Hamas members, including the leadership of the organization, will leave the Gaza Strip and head to Qatar or some other Arab country.
It is also possible that the agreement would also include Hezbollah that will commit to hold its fire at this point. All the hostages, both living and dead, will be returned. The new "Gaza front" will enter the army lexicon, and will be manned primarily by conscripts, similar to what was done in Lebanon before 2000. From here on, a military force will be stationed in every community adjacent to the fence in the South, North, and Judea and Samaria, and the rapid response teams will be fortified.
Based on my familiarity with the participants and the diplomatic elements, that is where we are headed, and most banal analysts will brainwash us that this is the necessary and responsible step. Then they will attack Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu for the fiasco.
If this scenario will play out, it will be necessary to think carefully what it is incumbent upon Israeli society to do.
Unfortunately, a conclusion of that kind to the war will constitute a missed opportunity, because although it was imposed upon us with no alternative, it must be exploited effectively. The fog that has been lifted from upon us, the understanding that there are more than a few Arabs for whom the appellation "settlers" applies, from their perspective, to every Israeli throughout the country, who seek to kill all the Jewish infidels – women, the elderly, and children indiscriminately on one day – has penetrated deeply and has seared into our consciousness better than one thousand campaigns that sought to explain it to us.
Those fantasies that they sought to sell us over the years that "understanding and mutual recognition can be achieved," were primarily a product of our imagination, but never the imagination of our enemies.
Therefore, there is only one finish line, a decisive victory, whose clear conclusion is that additional concessions of territory and various disengagements are no longer relevant.
Ze'ev Jabotinsky's "Iron Wall" has been undermined. The concessions of territory have whetted the appetite of the opposing side for war, not for peace.
The paradigm that was prevalent in the General Staff prior to the disengagement believed that it would be possible to deal with threats from the Gaza Strip "from afar," by means of artillery forces and the Air Force.
Unfortunately, the harsh reality that shattered before our eyes taught us otherwise. Therefore, opposite steps must be taken that will clarify to the opposing side that the State of Israel exists and is sovereign in its territory, even in the territories that were reconquered.
In the course of my reserve duty that, like the service of many others, began on the morning of that black Shabbat, I have had the opportunity to think quite a bit, to delve into the issue and seek to ascertain what the proper alternative is.
These are my conclusions:
1. We must change the paradigm in Judea and Samaria. This is the time to apply sovereignty in the Jordan Valley and the settlement blocs. It is implementable, we almost accomplished it, and it enjoys a broad consensus. In that way, we will define Israel's eastern border, which is of extreme importance.
We must do so especially in light of the sad statistic that 82% of the Arabs of Judea and Samaria expressed support for Hamas and the October 7 massacre. The immediate application of sovereignty is the response to that dangerous statistic.
2. Settlements modeled after the Nahal outposts or some other settlement model should be established in the vacated Gaza Strip. Nahal outposts were commonplace during the period when the connection between settlement and security was natural and clear.
Unfortunately, due to the desire to be ostensibly professional, and to refrain from confusing settlement and security considerations, this important connection has weakened over the years, to the extent that mentioning it is taboo. This is the time to renew this important covenant, together with the understanding that without settlement there is no security.
3 -We must employ an extremely firm hand against any security unrest, large and small – all the time, without compromise, even for gravel that is thrown.
Unfortunately, only during war does this understanding penetrate. In the army's important routine activity, this understanding does not always receive the proper treatment. At times, obstacles like Palestinian orchards or private property serve as an obstacle against security considerations.
During war, matters change along with the results on the ground, and this is a norm that must be assimilated and institutionalized. A situation where Arabs cast stones at Jews in Judea and Samaria is a routine occurrence is unacceptable.
The fact is that there is an Arab majority in the Galilee, too, but they do not cast stones there.
4 - The end of the era of building fences, gates, fortifications, and more in all the communities in border areas and in Judea and Samaria. Nowhere in the world is there a reality like this of fences, gates and various security measures like there is in Israel.
Our withdrawal within the fences does not transmit security. Perhaps it transmits a sense of security, but outwardly, it is primarily a message of perpetual fear and concern regarding a potential attack.
Even the most significant and elaborate system of fences on the Gaza border completely collapsed. The time has come to change the paradigm in that regard as well. I, personally, live in the community of Eli, most of which is not surrounded by a fence.
5- A small, clever army – out; a large powerful army – in. Israel needs an army with significant stockpiles of ammunition, even at the expense of other items that we will all need to relinquish.
Unfortunately, we are very limited in the current battle, due to, among other reasons, the conception that guided the security establishment over the last decade, according to which, the era of the great wars had concluded. Our ammunition stockpiles were almost emptied after a month of extensive fighting. This is not the place to elaborate on the consequences of the matter, but they are dire. The fact that most senior army officers aligned with this conception is also very dire.
However, fortunately, the reserve soldiers were highly motivated, so our recovery was quick and effective.
6- Adopting a firm hand against the Palestinians in Judea and Samaria for every violation of sovereignty, especially in Area C, including tending to "super-infrastructures" like sewage treatment plants, waste collection sites, and quarries. Our lack of coordination and enforcement in this regard is very severe. This has widespread and dire influences on all of us: aquifers, the air, and quarries do not distinguish between Area C and other areas in Judea and Samaria. Governability in these areas is extremely substantive and important and it includes enforcement of illegal construction and agricultural takeover of open expanses.
7- Taking initiative against Hezbollah without waiting for a substantive provocation on their part. We know how to take initiative in Syria and Lebanon against weapons shipments arriving from Iran, but after October 7, it seems insufficient. There is a gap between our ability to stop weapon smuggling and the painful reality on the ground. Transfer of weapons are intensifying and to the extent that they take place between countries with ports open to the Mediterranean Sea, such as Syria and Lebanon – the gap grows larger. The writing is on the wall.
In summary: All Israel awakened to a new reality on that black Shabbat. There is a very broad consensus that there must be a significant corresponding response, one that transmits a message of victory.
What is victory? "Boots on the ground," control over the area, sovereignty, and certainly, under no circumstances to leave the situation as it was on October 6.
Too many people were captive to conceptions. There were few who shouted for many years that the security blindness is dangerous. These conceptions must pass from the world. It is not possible to leave the same elements who were captive to that conception and allow them to continue to navigate the great ship that is called the State of Israel.
This is the time for a great civilian movement that will demand implementation of the change.
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